Though the Bush administration denies it has any designs on changing Iran's theocracy, members of Congress
are planning ways to assist in a possible "regime change."
Movements are afoot in both the House and Senate to pass legislation that would enable the U.S. government
to support foreign and domestic pro-democracy groups opposed to the current Islamic republic of Iran.
Aides for Sen. Rick Santorum, R-Pa., said the senator is drafting legislation that would resemble
a bill he introduced in the last congressional session, the "Iran Freedom and Support Act." Though the language in the new
bill is being worked out, it is expected to echo the prior bill in that it would include financial assistance for opposition
groups. The original bill did not make it to the Senate floor.
"By supporting the people of Iran, and through greater outreach to pro-democracy groups, we will hopefully
foster a peaceful transition to democracy in Iran," Santorum said in a statement regarding his new proposal. "The bill also
notes the futility of working with the Iranian government."
Though no hearings on the issue are currently on any committee schedules, the bill's timing corresponds with
comments by President Bush in his inaugural address that the United States is on a mission to assist in democratization abroad.
But while the president named Iran — a member of the "axis of evil" and designated state sponsor of terrorism —
during his State of the Union address on Wednesday night, he made no suggestions that the United States would take any action
against the Islamic regime.
"Iran remains the world's primary state sponsor of terror — pursuing nuclear weapons while depriving
its people of the freedom they seek and deserve. We are working with European allies to make clear to the Iranian regime that
it must give up its uranium enrichment program and any plutonium re-processing, and end its support for terror. And to the
Iranian people, I say tonight: As you stand for your own liberty, America stands with you," the president said.
On Thursday, the State Department denied that the administration has any plans to help depose the Muslim clerics
who run the country.
"The United States has been very clear. It's officials have been very clear that we do not have a policy of
regime change toward Iran. The United States has also been very clear that we support the aspirations of the Iranian people
for freedom," he said.
While subtle, the references to the "aspirations of the Iranian people" reinforces widespread speculation
that the United States, both covertly and publicly, is putting Iran, which is believed to be well into the development of
a nuclear weapons program, on notice.
Publicly, in the House last month, Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, R-Fla., and more than 50 bipartisan co-sponsors,
introduced the "Iran Freedom Support Act," which would provide, in part, financial assistance to opposition groups.
"I think we need to make sure that the people of Iran who don't support the radicalism of their mullah masters
do not wither away and retreat, " Rep. Dana Rohrabacher, R-Calif., co-sponsor of the bill, told FOXNews.com. "There are people,
especially among younger people, who fully understand the hypocrisy and utter corruption of the mullah regime. We need to
support them."
But some on Capitol Hill are skeptical of the efforts to reform Iran, and suggest that a similar effort —
the "Iraq Liberation Act," passed in 1998 and revived before the current war — resulted in U.S. support of exiles like
Ahmad Chalabi and the Iraqi National Congress. The exiles have been blamed, in part, for providing hyped-up evidence of Saddam
Hussein's weapons of mass destruction program. Skeptics say they don't want to find out after a heavy investment of cash and
lives that Iran wasn't the threat it was being made out to be nor do they want to be bogged down in anything resembling a
"quagmire."
"The devil's in the details," said Norm Kurz, communications director for Sen. Joe Biden, D-Del., ranking
Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and ardent critic of the way the Bush administration handled the war in
Iraq.
"Obviously, this is more of the president's 'outline,' in his language, that we need to encourage democracy
for people everywhere and encourage liberty — all Americans share that broad vision," said Kurz. "But if we are talking
about taking concrete steps to aid dissidents in whatever country, that's going to require a lot of review and also the question
of how do we achieve that when we are stretched very thin in Iraq."
Mona Yacoubian, a Middle East expert for the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said it is unclear
whether the United States has enough credibility in the region to pursue another regime change now, even if it is a non-military
one. She said any group seeking to overthrow the dictatorial ayatollahs — who have rendered seemingly moderate President
Mohammad Khatami virtually powerless — might not want to have the United States linked to their efforts.
"My gut reaction would be any time an opposition party in that part of world is somehow associated with the
United States, its credibility suffers," she said.
Yacoubian said that while a strong underground democracy movement exists, and anti-Americanism is not nearly
as high in Iran as it is in places like Saudi Arabia or Egypt, the U.S. invasion of Iraq and reports that the United States
may next focus its attention on Iran have not warmed Iranians to the American cause.
But not everybody thinks the Americans would be unwelcome, said Stephen Schwartz, author of "The Two Faces
of Islam: The House of Sa'ud from Tradition to Terror." He said regime change led by the United States in Iraq will no doubt
have a domino effect of democracy across the region, beginning with Iran.
"The vocabulary I would use is 'accelerating transition,'" he said. "I believe the success of the Iraq election
will be a tremendous encouragement of the reform movement in Iran. The Iranians will say, 'If the Iraqis can have this, why
can't we?'"
He said strong reform movements and sympathetic clerics and government officials would be ready for U.S. assistance.
"There is a reaction risk if it's not done intelligently or prudently," he added, noting that any regime change would have
to be done through Iranian exiles and not military force.
"We cannot have a replay of Iraq for several reasons," he said, noting that military force might very well
spark nationalism in Iran, turning the reformers against the United States. "I'm no fan of the hard-line ayatollahs, but they
are not hated the way Saddam Hussein was in Iraq."
Another question posed is which opposition group would be eligible for the help. The Mujahhedin e-Khalq, which
has been fighting in exile against the ayotollahs since 1979, primarily from their base in Iraq, are supported by the National
Council of Resistance of Iran, also in exile. Lawmakers like Ros-Lehtinen have expressed support for the MEK in the past.
But the MEK remains on the State Department's list of terrorist organizations and is not a favorite of pro-Iranian
reformers like Schwartz. "They are a Marxist cult," he charged.
Alireza Jafarzadeh, an Iranian-American formally associated with the NCRI, does not agree, and said the MEK
should be taken off the terrorist list and given the assistance to overthrow the ayotollahs because they are the only ones
with the means to do it.
"Since the Iraq war, the MEK has actually turned over all of its weapons to the U.S. military in Iraq and
did not fight the Americans," he said, noting that the MEK has assisted the Americans with intelligence on the border. "I
think any serious shift in policy toward Iran, which would include regime change, should review the status of MEK."
By Kelley Beaucar Vlahos, Fox News, Feb 4, 2005
Earlier version of "Iran Freedom and Support Act"
Jeffords' Theory
U.S. Sen. Jim Jeffords, the Vermont Independent, may face a clear field right now in a 2006 re-election bid,
but his March 22 performance on Vermont Public Radio's Switchboard program raised a few eyebrows.
For starters, Jeffords, who opposes the war in Iraq, predicted the Bush administration would start a war in Iran to help
elect a third member of the Bush clan to the White House.
“I think it was all done to get oil,” Jeffords said of invading Iraq. “And the loss of life that we had,
and the cost of it, was to me just a re-election move, and they're going to try to live off it. Probably start another war,
wouldn't be surprised, next year. Probably in Iran.”
“Do you think that's likely?” VPR host Bob Kinzel asked.
“I probably shouldn't even talk on it, I just feel so bitter about the thinking that's gone on behind them, and the
reasons they go to war and went to war,” Jeffords replied. “But I feel very strongly that they are looking ahead,
and that there will be an opportunity to go into Iran and try to get their son elected president. I don't know, but you do
it each time they (are) going to have a new president. I’m very, very (Jeffords chuckles). Oh, well, I better be quiet.”
In an interview this week, Jeffords spokesman Erik Smulson didn't back away from his boss's comments (which can be heard
at vpr.net) and noted that Florida Gov. Jeb Bush -- the brother of the sitting president and son of former President George
H.W. Bush -- is considered a possible 2008 GOP candidate for president.
“Certainly, this is a theory that has been pretty well discussed in numerous circles, that Iran potentially will
be the next battleground, and that Jeb Bush is certainly considered a possibility in '08,” Smulson said.
There's been bad blood between Jeffords and the White House since at least 2001, of course, when the three-term incumbent
left the Republican Party after a falling out with the Bush administration. But his statements on Bush's motivation in going
to war drew the ire of Vermont Republican Party Chairman Jim Barnett.
“That is the highest level of irresponsibility to suggest that the president has taken the nation to war and put
thousands of lives at risk for political purposes,” Barnett said. “It's really outrageous, and reason enough that
we ought to question Sen. Jeffords' ability to serve Vermonters in a way that makes us proud.”
Meanwhile, Jeffords told several callers on the Switchboard program that he would talk about the issues they raised
with his staff, rather than offering specific answers, re-igniting chatter from Republicans and Democrats alike that the veteran
Vermont lawmaker, who turns 71 next month, has slowed down.
Randolph resident James Dwinell, a former executive director of the Vermont Republican State Committee and the author of
a political newsletter spiced with Republican red meat, wrote that Jeffords' health is the “elephant in the corner”
and predicted he won't run again. (Dwinell, a distant cousin of former New Hampshire Gov. Lane Dwinell, also worked for Democrat
Gary Hart’s 1984 presidential campaign and ran for state auditor as a Republican in 1998).
But two local officials who met with Jeffords in his statewide swing last month said he seemed fine to them.
“I think that he's certainly getting older. Other than that, he appeared to have a good handle on everything,”
said Brattleboro Town Manager Jerry Remillard. “As always, he's very interested in what's going on in Brattleboro.”
And Mark Redmond of Spectrum Youth and Family Services in Burlington said Jeffords, whom he was meeting for the first time,
seemed “robust” and was “great with the kids.”
Smulson dismissed Dwinell's prediction and said efforts to question Jeffords' health are motivated by Republicans still
bitter over Jeffords' decision to leave the party.
“‘Turncoat Jeffords' clearly did not work for them. Now they've sunk even lower,” Smulson said. “Sen.
Jeffords is in excellent health, and he's looking forward to waging a spirited campaign.”
Valley News, Apr 7, 2005
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