World doubts America
If U.S. loses moral battle, it loses the war
"The world is beginning to
doubt the moral basis of our fight against terrorism."
The words come not from a
left-wing blogger or a Democratic candidate on the campaign trail. No, the words express the sentiments of former Secretary
of State Colin L. Powell, and they refer to attempts last week by President George Bush to turn the Geneva Conventions on
their head.
In a dramatic appeal to win support for what
he termed "an alternative set of procedures" for interrogation, the president paid a rare visit to Congress.
He was seeking legislative backing to permit
coerced evidence, secret hearings and the use of overseas prisons where detainees would be interrogated with the most horrific
of methods, including hypothermia and "waterboarding," a euphemism for simulated drowning.
To this end, Bush is hoping Congress will act
to exempt the United States from the section of the Geneva Conventions that bans assaults on human dignity—particularly
humiliating and degrading treatment of prisoners.
The conventions are a series of treaties and
protocols that set the standard for international law. Close to 200 countries have agreed to abide by their regulations, which
essentially prohibit physical or mental torture as well as cruel and degrading corporal punishment.
These are the provisions the president seeks
to circumvent.
To their credit, many military experts, political
insiders and members of Congress are objecting—and a good number of the objectors come from within the president's own
party.
In addition to Powell, they include Sen. John
McCain and Sen. John Warner, chairman of the Armed Services Committee, as well as top Pentagon officials whose concerns are
both philosophical and practical.
In a letter to Warner, top-ranking military experts
expressed "profound concern" that if the United States manhandles
its prisoners, American soldiers are subject to the same treatment.
Furthermore, reputable intelligence operatives
say it's foolish to rely on any information obtained through torture. A victim of beatings—or worse—will say anything
to get his captors to ease up.
As important as these concerns are, there is
a bigger question here, and it's the one Colin Powell, himself a former chairman of the Join Chiefs of Staff, raises in his
eloquent opposition to the plans of his former boss.
This is not who we are as a people.
This is not how we want the world to see us,
nor how we want to see ourselves.
The attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, showed Americans they are dealing with the vilest of enemies, men and women who would go to any lengths
to make their hideous point.
But even the most hawkish generals engaged in
the battle against these terrorists acknowledge that for the United States to lose its way morally does not further the cause of security, nor the ideals of democracy.
The values that define us are the strongest weapons
we have in that battle.