Sihanouk and his Comrades; the KR &the Vietnamese Communists

The Sihanouk Paradox:

Introduction:

It is not an easy task to assess Sihanouk as a person and as a political leader. He is the most important, enduring, and dominant political leader in post independent modern Cambodia. But, Judging him we must, as he has been the only Cambodian leader that has had full control of Cambodia for nearly sixty years. Cambodia has been going through a number of fatal crises under his long tenure of power. Yet, Sihanouk always claimed that whatever he did, it was always in the interests of preserving Cambodia's independence. For instance, he said that he had never joined the Khmer Rouge in the 1970's. But, it was the Khmer Rouge who joined him. He totally and conveniently forgot to say that it was he who allowed the Khmer Rouge to use his name to attract new recruits among Cambodian peasants to join their army and party. Ultimately, Sihanouk will do whatever is best for his interest and survival, regardless of what happens to Cambodia and the Cambodian people

(See an article posted below entitled "Debating Responsibility for Khmer Rouge").

Even today, although less powerful, he still has a tremendous influence in all aspects of Cambodian life, unfortunately, mostly in a negative and disastrous way for the Cambodian people. He is always the one that creates problems, and then positions himself to be the sole person who can solve that problem. In this context, as recently as in February 2005, he suggested a "solution" to settle the political dispute between Sam Rainsy and Hun Sen/Ranariddh regarding a lawsuit that Sam Rainsy made against the great Cambodian dictator and his shadow puppet, the president of the National Assembly. What did Sihanouk do in that proposal was to suggest a status quo, that Sam Rainsy should drop his lawsuit and that Hun Sen/Ranariddh should also drop their lawsuit against Sam Rainsy. In other words, Hun Sen and Ranariddh can continue to ignore the law and to loot and plunder the country, at will (See an analysis posted below entitled "Once More, Sihanouk's Deceitfulness is revealed".

Sihanouk is a contradiction personified. He is bright and yet narrow minded, affable and yet vindictive, International and yet very Cambodian to the core. I think the Australian historian, Milton Osborne, has come up with the best and most fitting description of Sihanouk which is also the title of one of his books:

"The Prince Light and the Prince of Darkness"

Perhaps, the most devastating trait of Sihanouk's character is his suppression of the potential of all Cambodians not belonging to the royal family to be fully successful in any fields of endeavor. Like his ancestors, Sihanouk would interpret any achievement by a Cambodian commoner as a threat to his fame and absolute power. The following excerpt from a manuscript written by Sihanouk entitled "From the Cup to the Dregs" perfectly illustrated how Sihanouk's complete monopoly of achievement and power could make or break any common Cambodian at will, as follows:

"I could not understand how the "grandees of the Kingdom", who owed everything, not to their merit or their talent, but to my protection, and that of the monarchy, could dare to do without me to help their fragile bark navigate amongst the mortal reefs of the American-Vietnamese war (while awaiting the conclusion of an agreement which would, I was firmly convinced, put an end to this war)."

(Norodom Sihanouk; From the Cup to the Dregs; Undated memoirs)

The suppression of the identity of the vast majority of Cambodian people is well reflected in an excerpt from a book entitled "Civilization of Angkor" written by an English Archeologist, Charles Highman, as follows:

"It is very difficult to pin down the status of the workers. Some could be bought and sold, some were war captives, while others may well have been in the service of the noble family for generations and were assigned to develop a new foundation. Tied labour is not unusual in South-East Asia. As recently as the Ayutthaya period in Thailand, which ended in the eighteenth century, workers were tattooed to record their assigned place of work and to maintain a stable workforce. There are reminders of this in the inscription from Phnom Kanva, Battambang, which describes how Viruna, a worker who had escaped from the estate where he was bom, had his eyes gouged out and his nose cut off. It was also customary in listing workers to include their children and even grandchildren. Workers are often listed as being responsible for either the fifteen dark or the fifteen light days of each month on a rota system, and could work on land assigned to them, according to one text, in their own time."

The loss of identity, in turn, has suppressed any development of future leaders outside the royal family in sufficient number from which Cambodia must and can rely upon to better defend itself and to allow it to survive, especially in time of major crises, as Cambodia has been facing since the 1960's.

(For the negative legacy of history on the present day Cambodia, please see An Uncertain Legacy: the Khmer Paradox by B P Groslier in "Special articles section")

Once More, Sihanouk’s deceitfulness is revealed

February 20, 2005

I am sending this email to let you see how the so-called Sihanouk's "solution" to the recent Sam Rainsy's stripping of his parliamentary immunity by Hun Sen and Ranariddh, compared to the solution proposed by the international community comprising resolutions by the US Senate, the Australian Senate, and a motion by the European Parliament.

It is clear that the so-called Sihanouk's "solution" is to favor a status quo, that is to allow Hun Sen and Ranariddh to continue to plunder the Cambodian people and to suppress the opposition with impunity. Sihanouk's proposal for this crisis is the same as those he had proposed for the Khmer Rouge trial. That is not to have any trial at all. He first invoked the reason that the trial is a waste of money. Then, he came up with the idea that the trial will push to remnant of the Khmer Rouge to go back into the jungle to start a war against the government of Cambodia. This is what Sihanouk is all about. He has no respect for any law or moral principle. His only interest is to save himself and his family.

Below are the documents to backed up for what I have just analyzed.

Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D.

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The International Community Response to Hun Sen and Ranariddh’s Persecution of Sam Rainsy and his party

I. US Senate Resolution on Cambodia (1)

On 17 February 2005, Senators Sam Brownback and Mitch McConnel introduced a Resolution on Cambodia (S. Res. 65) "Calling for the Government of Cambodia to release Cheam Channy from prison, and for other purposes".

The Resolution also - "Calls upon the Cambodian National Assembly to reverse its recent action to strip the immunity of opposition parliamentarians Sam Rainsy, Cheam Channy, and Chea Poch; - Urges the Secretary of State, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, international financial institutions, and democracies around the world to continue to publicly and forcefully condemn the Cambodian National Assembly vote;

- Urges international donors to consider imposing appropriate sanctions against the National Assembly and the Government of Cambodia unless and until it reverses its recent action;

- Calls upon the Secretary of State to impose visa restrictions on members of the Cambodian National Assembly and their families who voted to strip the immunity of Sam Rainsy, Cheam Channy, and Chea Pok, consistent with the President's Proclamation of January 12, 2004, regarding the denial of visas to corrupt public officials and their families; and

- Calls upon Prime Minister Hun Sen and Cambodian National Assembly President Norodom Ranariddh to cease and desist their efforts to undermine democracy, human rights, and the rule of law in Cambodia."

See full text of Resolution at
http://www.khmerintelligence.org/US%20Senate%20Resolution.pdf

http://www.khmerintelligence.org/Announcements-KI.html

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II. European Union expresses concern about lifting of parliamentary immunity (1)

On 10 February 2005, the Presidency of the European Union – Luxemburg on behalf of 25 European nations – issued the following Declaration:

"The European Union, friend and partner of the Kingdom of Cambodia, expresses concern about the actual political situation characterised notably by the multiplication of actions brought before justice by the political leaders against each other, by the recent suspension of the parliamentarian immunity of three opposition members and the arrest of one of these parliamentarians.

This situation does not seem favourable to a balanced functioning of the institutions, to the respect of the democratic opposition's rights, to the national reconciliation and to the recovery of the country engaged in the construction of a state of law.
The European Union makes an appeal to the leaders of all political parties to work together in a spirit of responsibility and concord in the interest of all Cambodian people. The European Union will continue to follow the situation."

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15 February 2005

III. Australian Senate adopts Resolution on

(1) Cambodia

On 10 February 2005 the Australian Senate unanimously adopted the following Resolution on Cambodia:

"The Senate

(a) notes

(i) that a closed session of the Cambodian National Assembly, under

the direction of Prime Minister Hun Sen, has removed the rightful parliamentary immunity of leading opposition figures, including Sam Rainsy, and

(ii) the subsequent arrest of Sam Rainsy Party Member of Parliament, Cheam Channy; therefore

(b) calls on the Australian Government to immediately make representations to the Cambodian Government to:

(i) have parliamentary immunity reinstated, and

(ii) ensure the safety of Mr Rainsy and his colleagues and the release of Mr Cheam Channy without condition."

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11 February 2005

IV. King-Father proposes a 5-point solution to the current crisis (1)

In a February 10 open letter written in French from Beijing to National Assembly President Norodom Ranariddh and Prime Minister Hun Sen, King-Father Norodom Sihanouk proposes a 5-point plan to solve the current "political drama":

1- Ranariddh and Hun Sen, as "good Buddhists and wise statesmen" declare that they grant their "pardon to those who have hurt [them]".

2- The parliamentary immunity of Sam Rainsy, Cheam Channy and Chea Poch are to be immediately reinstated.

3- All lawsuits filed by political leaders against each other are dropped.

4- King Norodom Sihamoni, who is also the Supreme Commander of the Army, officially grants his pardon to Cheam Channy, who is to be released [from jail] and to become again a full-fledged member of the National Assembly.

5- With the implementation of this National Reconciliation scheme, the SRP will remain an opposition party.

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Debating Responsibility for Khmer Rouge

In his 1979 book, Sideshow: Kissinger, Nixon and the Destruction of Cambodia, British journalist William Shawcross argued that American policy was primarily responsible for Pol Pot's takeover. "Whatever Nixon and [Secretary of State Henry A.] Kissinger intended for Cambodia," Shawcross said, "their efforts created catastrophe." The bombing, the U.S. incursion in 1970 and American support of the Lon Nol government "did much to create" the holocaust inflicted on Cambodia by the Khmer Rouge. "Cambodia was not a mistake," Shawcross concluded, "it was a crime." ²³

Answering those charges in his 1982 memoir, Years of Upheaval, Kissinger said American actions were intended solely to save Cambodia and Vietnam from communism. The party to blame, "the master architect of [the Khmer Rouge] disaster," Kissinger contended, was North Vietnam. "It was Hanoi... if it was anyone, that brought the war to Cambodia and made possible the genocide by the Khmer Rouge." ²⁴

Others say the responsibility for the Khmer Rouge holocaust lies largely with the Khmer Rouge themselves. "We have partial responsibility, but by no means exclusive responsibility," said Rep. Solarz. "The fact that Sihanouk joined forces with the Khmer Rouge gave Pol Pot an opportunity to recruit much more effectively among the peasantry because he could recruit in the name of the prince. My guess is that had as much if not more to do with the ultimate success of the Khmer Rouge than the American bombing."

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22 The Khmer Rouge atrocities have been forcefully described by, among others, Sydney Schanberg, a journalist for The New York Times who was one of the last Americans to leave Phnom Penh in 1975. Schanberg's account of the survival of his Cambodian aide, Dith Pran, during the Khmer Rouge reign is the subject of the movie "The Killing Fields." 23 Shawcross, op. cit., p. 396.24 " Henry A. Kissinger, Years of Upheaval (1982), p. 337.

Source: Cambodia: A Country in Turmoil, by Marc Leepson, (Editorial Research Reports; Congressional Quarterly, Inc., Washington D.C. April 1985)

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Bernard Hammel answers Sihanouk’ accusations

In a text published on your site, on 1 09/ 05, you - once more - blamed me by describing me as "sihanoukophobe at 5000 %". This characterization, incompatible with the most elementary arithmetic, amused me much – and also many other people. I abstain from, in general, answering your diatribes when they relate to me, to avoid polemical futility. This time, however, I will take the trouble to answer you to explain in particular why I became your "enemy" (and undoubtedly also a "traitor") after 18 the Mars 1970. Below are the details of my explanation:

- I was unaware of, so far, that I was considered in Phnom-Penh, before 1970, like a "super-Minister". What an honor for my modest person!
- I never used the ridiculous pseudonym "Bê Hâm" to sign articles in your reviews ("Kampuchean Realities" and "Kambuja"). I signed them my name or of my initial.
- I never considered myself "Sangkumien", because I could not be it as a foreigner.
- If you called upon my collaboration, like that of Messrs. Charles Meyer and Jean Barré, for your reviews and your particular secretariat, it is because of your deep mistrust towards your compatriots (which I deplore).
- All the documents and photographs which I still have come, to a large extent, of your Ministry for the Information of the time "sangkumienne". They cannot thus in no case "to be faked" by me (or by other people).
- If I became your "enemy" after 18 the Mars 1970, it is absolutely not for reasons of a personal nature. It is because your attitude after this date appeared to me revolting and odious. Your country - I was on the spot for my Agency (Reuter), I make a point of pointing it out - was attacked and invaded by the Vietnamese communist forces on the 29th of Mars 1970 without ultimatum nor declaration of war. Although it was a clear case and possessed all the characteristics of a foreign aggression, you still made common causes with the invaders of your own country. Moreover, you made worse still by throwing youself, in Beijing, in the arms of the Khmer Rouges, whom you called "Khmers dekhmerized" before 1970 when you fought them implacably (in 1967, 68 and 69). You thus opened the way for the genocide in Cambodia.
- All your actions and your innumerable declarations after your dismissal were inspired only by your desire to avenge yourself, because you had been deposed by legal ways. You proclaimed yourself on several occasions in Beijing your intention to avenge against supposedly the "treacherous republicans". And this desire of revenge finally costs the Kampuchean people two million dead. Then, in front of such a condemnable attitude, how can one not be "sihanoukophobe"? ...

Bernard HAMEL

N.B.: Bernard HAMEL was among the first journalists and authors, after April 17, 1975, to alert the world of the genocide in progress in Kampuchea, while publishing, with Soth Polin, a book entitled "Testimonies on the genocide of Kampuchea" collected of the Kampuchean refugees at the border of Thailand. Certain Kampuchean "Leftist intellectuals" in the West initially described this work of "American propaganda"! He is also the author of an important book on Sihanouk entitled; Sihanouk et le Drame Cambodgien; L'Harmattan, Paris 1993)

Sihanouk, Monique, KR leaders Hou Youn and Hou Nim

Near Siemreap in Nortwest of Cambodia in 1973

Sihanouk embracing Phan Van Dong, N Vietnam PM.

During a Conference in China in early 1970s

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Sihanouk, the Tragic Father of Modern Cambodia

Thursday October 7, 2004; 12:25 PM

By Ed Cropley

PHNOM PENH (Reuters) - King Norodom Sihanouk, a quixotic ruler who freed Cambodia from its colonial shackles but failed to keep it out of the Vietnam War or the clutches of the brutal Khmer Rouge, abdicated on Thursday, his son said.

The frail 83-year-old monarch, apparently frustrated by interminable political infighting in his impoverished nation, asked that the search for a successor begin.

Despite declining health and diminished political clout in his twilight years, Sihanouk looms large over everyday life, his smiling image adorning homes and shops across the land.

But for all his popularity, the ailing monarch could never match the youthful, flamboyant ruler who held absolute sway over a young and independent Cambodia in the 1950s and 1960s.

Sihanouk will be remembered mainly as the leader whose high-wire political machinations contributed to Cambodia's slide into the Vietnam War and the 1970s Khmer Rouge "Killing Fields", in which an estimated 1.7 million of his people died.

He himself suffered personal tragedy under the brutal rule of Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot, losing five children and 14 grandchildren. Few now question the indirect role his autocratic rule played in pitching Cambodia into nightmare.

"There can be no doubt that Sihanouk's actions and his decisions contributed to the political malaise that finally tore Cambodia apart," historian Milton Osborne wrote in a 1994 biography.

GOLDEN YEARS TURNED BLOODY

The first, relatively peaceful, decade in the life of modern Cambodia is now regarded as a golden age. It was also the time when Sihanouk imposed his iron grip on politics, inadvertently sowing the seeds of the country's 30-year civil war.

Unexpectedly chosen by the French colonial government in 1941 as a supposedly pliable, puppet king to succeed his uncle, Sisowath Monivong, Sihanouk led the ultimately successful drive for independence from Paris in 1953.

He quickly delivered a constitutional masterstroke, abdicating in 1955 to allow him to pursue his political ambitions unfettered by royal constraints. An unashamed ladies' man, prolific amateur film director and charismatic orator -- equally adept in Khmer, French or English -- Sihanouk endeared himself to swathes of Cambodia's roughly 10 million people.

The honeymoon period of his early years in office turned sour in the Cold War cauldron of the 1960s and the conflagration in neighbouring Vietnam. He cracked down on political opponents, particularly on the far left, and, walking a tightrope between East and West, alternately courted Washington and Moscow in a desperate bid to prevent Cambodia's slide into the mire of the Vietnam War. In the end, his actions alienated everyone.

Sihanouk's communist opponents, led by a French-educated teacher called Saloth Sar -- later Pol Pot -- fled his secret police into the jungle where they formed the ultra-Maoist militia that would become known as the "Khmer Rouge".

He infuriated conservatives and businessmen by breaking off aid relations with the United States in 1963 and allowing China to ship arms to Vietnamese communists fighting the Americans.

The balancing act kept Cambodia on the sidelines of the war, but during a 1970 trip to Moscow Sihanouk was toppled in a bloodless, right-wing coup led by General Lon Nol, who quickly upped the ante against Vietnamese and Cambodian communists.

PACT WITH THE DEVIL

In a typically radical political volte face, Sihanouk hooked up with the guerrillas he had contemptuously dubbed "Les Khmers Rouges". It was a pact with the devil and one for which he would pay heavily.

In a 1973 trip to Cambodia's "liberated zone", clad in black peasant-fighter pyjamas, he posed for pictures with the men who two years later would send the country back to the stone age. It was the first sign of the monarch's puppet status.

Pol Pot used the king as a figurehead in his bloody struggle for power, but then kept Sihanouk -- by now monarch in name only -- prisoner in his own palace after the Khmer Rouge's triumphant march into Phnom Penh in 1975.

Even after Vietnamese troops ousted Pol Pot in 1979, Cold War politics kept Sihanouk in an uneasy coalition with the Khmer Rouge, who fought alongside royalists against the Hanoi-backed government of Cambodia's emerging strongman, Hun Sen.

Though he vowed never to become king again, Sihanouk was chosen as head of state after a 1991 U.N.-backed peace deal. He reclaimed the crown in 1993 as a symbol of national unity.

Sihanouk was greeted by North Vietnamese officers

Hanoi airport, 1973

Sihanouk speaking to a rally with Khieu Samphan

Near Siemreap in 1973

Sihanouk and Monique in Khmer Rouge pijamas

Near Siemreap in 1973