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Page Table of Contents
I. A link to an excerpt from a book entitled; Charisma and Leadership;
in which a rare personal and informative portrait of former king Norodom Sihanouk was given, is co-authored by
N. Sihanouk and Bernard Krisher, former bureau chief of Newsweek in Tokyo. This link will give you the facotrs why Sihanouk
is known as the "Mercurial" king.
He changes his mind as often as a normal person would change his or her underwear.
He will change his mind as often as he needs to confuse the world. That is why Cambodia is in such a mess for having
a leader who is unreliable and untrustful.
For instance, when he was the head of the resistance movement against the invasion
of Cambodia by the Vietnamese, he accused Hun Sen as a puppet of Vietnam and called Vietnam the monster who want to swallow
Cambodia. Now, that Hun Sen had agreed to allow his son, Sihamoni to be king, he called Hun Sen and a patriot, he thanked
Vietnam for 'liberating' of Cambodia. How more 'flip flop' can a person be?
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II. Recently articles and analyses (2007):
- Vietnamizing the History of Saigon
- How the War goes on (and on) in Cambodia
- Dancing in Shadows; by Benny Widyono, an Indonesian and a former
UN representative in Cambodia. The book was reviewed by David Chandler, a prominent historian on Cambodia. One of the book's
main themes was to show how Sihanouk had maneuvered behind the scene to Bring Hun Sen back to power
- Vietnam ongoing Genocide against the Khmer people form Kampuchea
Krom through the eyes of Rebecca Sommer, an independent film maker and humanist
- Khmer Krom Association Deceived by Cambodian Parliament Leaders
- Economic Brief; Oil and Gas Dynamics in the Gulf of Thailand
- An Update of the Chronology of the Khmer Rouge Trial (A series
of articles)
- Khmer Krom Groups Decry Jailing of Defrocked Monk
- Cambodia; A Tragedy of No Importance
- Sok An Welcomes Foreign Investment, Especially from Vietnam - Suu Kyi Meets her Political Party
- Progress made over Burma, UN Says
- Sihanouk blaming his son, Ranariddh, for the collapse of the Coalition
- Who really is Mr. Hun Sen? a very biased Bio of Hun Sen by
Raoul Jennar
- An offical Bio of Hun Sen, and another view of Hun Sen by the
New York Times, while he was under the direct Vietnamese control
- A set of 4 links on my interviews with RFA on the main factors
underlying the accelerated and final phase of the Vietnamization of Cambodia
- Court Upholds Ranariddh's conviction
- H.R. 3096; Vietnam Human Rights Act of 2007
- 'Special Relation' Between Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos as
in the 'Development Triangle'
- Chevron Supports Myanmar's Brutal Regime
- Former Khmer Rouge Foreign Minister Denies Responsibility for
Crimes Under his Rule
- World wide Burma Protests Expected
- Hun Sen Reiterated his Position Against Defrocked Monk Tim Sakhorn
- Vietnam Increases Control of Cambodian Economy by Building New
Hydroelectric Power Plants in North East Cambodia (Se San)
- Burmese Leader 'to Meet Suu Kyi'
- World Bank and UN to Help Poor Nations Recover Stolen Assets
- ASEAN at 40; Mid life Rejuvination?
- UN Warning on Cambodia Tribunal
- Cambodian's Coming Energy Bonanza
- Vietnam to Release Tim Sakhorn
- Commentary; Trial by Fury in Cambodia
- BBC; Washington Diary-Bush on Burma
- Expat Khmers demonstrate in US, monk threatens
self immolation in Cambodia over Thim Sakhorn detention
- An exchange of Emails on the role of Norodom Sihanouk in
the tragedy of contemporary Cambodia, Between Professor Milton Osborne, a prominent Historian on Cambodia and a Professor
at the Australian, National Univiersity (ANU) in Camberra, Australia, and myself
- King Father Sihanouk holds ECCC at Bay
- Oil Spigot set to flow in 2011
- Natural resources revenue; Blessing or curse?
- Economic Growth Steady, at 9 percent in 2007
- Will Burma Bow to Pressure?
- Cross Border Links to Boost Coastal Tourism between Vietnam and Cambodia
- The Khmer Rouge Tribunal; an Ambiguous Good News Story
- The Priest of Many Frontiers
- An Introduction to the Annexation of Laos by Vietnam
- A Golf course unlike any others in the world, straddling along the borders of Vietnam
and Cambodia
- Cambodia and Vietnam agreed to build the only golf resort in the world that
straddles along the border of two traditionally unfriendly countries. Is it progress or camougflage for Vietnamization?
- The Vietnamization Process of Cambodia as Seen by Marie Alexandrine Martin, a Noted
French Ethonologue entitled 'Cambodia: a Shattered Society;
University of California, Berkley, California, 1994).
- Australian Senator Asks Cambodian-Vietnamese Authorities for Information on
Defrocked Monk
- Legacy of a Maoist Injustice
- Cambodian Government heeds call to keep judge at the Genocide Tribunal
- UN Envoys Slam Cambodia over Judge's Transfer
- Comment on Interview of Former Strongman Pen Sovann With WCC's Naranhkiri
Tith, by Nearovi Pen, an engineer and a Cambodian Canadian community leader
- A Memorandum on a Meeting with Kem Sokha on his Choice of Pen Sovann as a Senior
Member of his HRP Party and its Implications for Cambodia's Future
- Did Vietnam invade or liberate Cambodia? Two important testimonies on this subject
- Vietnamization of Cambodia, as shown in a Memorandum dated September 1982, to
ministers and Provincial Officials from Say Phuthang member of the Politburo of the Kampuchean People's
Revolutionary Party (KPPR) central committee
- Is War on Corruption Moving Forward?
- World Bank President, Robert B. Zoellick; Media Confernence in Cambodia; August 5,
2007
- Poverty is not Fate; It is Man-made
- ASEAN at 40; Mid-Life Rejuvination?
- Khmer Krom Monk Faces Trial in Vietnam
- New World Bank Chief in Cambodia
- Worries Remain as Cambodia Recovers
- Cambodia faces Key Choices to Build Domestic Economic Opportunity, and Manage International
Challenges, says World Bank President
- Genocide Tourism in Cambodia
- Assessing the 'Evil' of Democratic Kampuchea through the Origins of its Ideologies
- My Open Letter to Kem Sokha on his choice of Pen Sovann as a member of his party
- The Value of Morality
- ASEAN Nations Pledge Closer Ties
- HRP Eyes 2008 Elections
- July 1997, Shock and Aftermath, by Brad Adams, and The July 1997 Shootout, by
Michael Vickery; (Two interpretatikons of the bloody 1997 coup by Hun Sen)
- Corruption in Developing Countries; who is the real loser?
- Cambodia: Weakness in Family structure and relationship
- Swinging doors in (Cambodian) Politics
- Legacy of a Maoist Injustice, (and its relevance to Cambodia)
- The Case against the Khmer Rouge for Famine as Genocide
- Cambodia's Cowboy Capitalism
- Ban on Monk Protests called 'Un-Buddhist'
- Vietnam Invests in Railways and Power Plants in Cambodia.
- US$ 690 million; pledge, promises and faint praise to Hun Sen by the Donors
- Land Grabbing continues in Cambodia, while US Ambassador Joseph Mussomeli defending
Hun Sen as not a dictator
- Anniversary of Cambodia Upheaval, in 1997 Coup by Hun Sen
- Khmer Rouge Trial Running Out of Money, Again
- International Donors Pledged Increased Aid to Cambodia, despite continued presence
of pervasive and systemic corruption
- ECCC Press Release: Project Board Meeting Held on Funding of KRT
- Can agriculture bridge the gap between rural and urban Cambodia?
- Recent activities of Kem Sokha's Human Rights Party activities including the
first planned (HRP) party congress on July 22, 2007
- In Cambodia, a Clash over History of the Khmer Rouge
- Observers say potential impediments await Cambodia's genocide tribunal
- The Rich, the Poor and Income Gap; an analysis of Cambodian illusion of recent
double-digit growth of GDP, or growth without Development
- A link to a report by Global Witness on how Hun Sen and his extended
family controls the whole forest industry and other natural resources of Cambodia with disastrous consequences for the
majority of the cambodian people
- Statement of Rupert skilbeck, head of Support
defence section on agreements on rule on procdures on KRT
- Cambodia Family Trees, how Hun Sen and his
extended family have been looting and destroying Cambodia's natural resources under the approving eyes of Sihanouk
- Key Khmer Rouge Trial held; may be the last one
- US worried about China's Miliatry build up, and strong China's reaction to
US fear, with political implications for Cambodia
- 59 World leaders Call for the Liberation of the only Nobel Peace Prize Laureat
to be release from Jail
- Distorting history to fit their criminal intent and objectives by Hun Sen and
the CPP with the approval of Sihanouk
- A Soulless Nation by Theary Seng
- Vietnamization of Cambodia is in full swing, thanks to Sihanouk/Sihamoni/Hun
Sen alliance see two posted articles
- Will Oil wealth keep Cambodia afloat or drown it? By Seth Mydans International
Herald Tribune
- Cambodia's hope for oil wealth, an Illusion?
- Donors put spotlight on Petro-Cash
- Rush for Cambodia's oil begins
- NGO cautions on Cambodia's use of oil resource and its negative
impact on employment
- Hanoi's Double-Cross on Democracy
- WHR request FBI to reopen 1997 grenade attack against Demonstrators
in which an American was wounded and a lot of SRP members had died and wounded. More importantly, this also shows that
Sam Rainsy had betrayed his own associates and Democracy as he pretends to be the defender
- Links to my interviews with Radio Free Asia on the problems created
by Hun Sen regarding the Khmer Rouge Trial
- A link to a review of a Book entitled 'Black Book of Communism'
written by a group of European former communist intellectuals detailing the reasons of why and how mass killings were committed
under the name of Communism all over the world
- Lawyer fee, judge warns may lead KRT to collapse
- New Problems, Old Problems, Cambodia in perspective regarding the
possibility of challenge to Hun Sen dictatorial regime
- One Big Happy Family in Cambodia; The CPP family connection
- "Big Three" hold key Delhi talks (China, India, and Russia)
- Link to my power point presentation
at SAIS, Johns Hopkins University, on the "Long Shadow of History on Present-day Cambodia"
- Dictator Hun Sen again is stalling
the Khmer Rouge trial by making the process so complicate that it cannot function
- The China Syndrome
- Cambodia's coming oil Bonanza
- January 7, is Cambodia's day of infamy, and not a day of Liberation,
as Hun Sen and Sihanouk have claimed
- Sihanouk accused the Sisowath
branch of the royal family (By the way, he is half Sisowath) to attempt to dethrone his son Sihamoni; the royal family's
feud continues unabated since the Angkor time, at the expense of the Cambodian people
- Dictator and ignoramus Hun Sen
said he will stay until he reaches 90 years old
- My interviews with Radio Free
Asia (RFA) on:
-
the so-called "anniversary of the liberation
day of Cambodia by Vietnam,"
-
the negative impact of foreign aid and
investment, due to pervasive cooruption in Cambodia,
-
the role of the monarchy in Cambodia
-
the impact of the newly-discovered of oil and gas deposits in cambodia on
the Cambodian people
- Interview with Tep Wong the Buddhist
pro-CPP patriach on the role of monks in politics in Cambodia
- Response by Lao Mong Hai to the
Pro-CPP Patriach
- Response by Son Soubert to the
Pro-CPP Patriach
- US pushes for UN to free Myanmar's Opposition leader
Aung San Suu Kyi
- Hun Sen Opening remarks at the Summit meeting between Cambodia, Laos,
and Vietnam in Dalat Vietnam
- ASEAN pushing for more integration along European
Union
- Memoirs of a Thai diplomat on Japan and France's
support for Hun Sen on the hint from Sihanouk
- "Foreign aid creating conditions for the next civil war" by David Lempert, The Phom Penh Post, December
2006
- Perverse effects of Foreign Aid, a comment on Lempert
- Hats off to Lempert
- "For America's sake", by Bill Moyers, January, 2007
- "Vietnam prepares for boom times" by the BBC
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Washington DC. February 21, 2007
Dear visitors:
Please, click or paste the link posted below to read a very rare and interesting intimate
portrait of former king of Cambodia, Sihanouk, as a private person and as a political leader, by Bernard Krisher, -
former bureau chief of "Newsweek" in Tokyo.
Mr. Krisher is a true and sincere friend of the Cambodian people. He still is giving
a lot of his precious time to helping Cambodians in many fields. For instance, he is the founder and owner
of the only English daily newspapers "The Cambodian Daily," in Cambodia.
He is also doing a lot to bring the internet to the most remote areas of Cambodia, especially to the young Cambodians. For that, I am most grateful
to him.
However, like most foreigners are, Mr. Krisher was very much taken by Sihanouk's
natural charm, intelligence, and wit, and went a long way in this portrait to paint Sihanouk in a very favorable, but
somewhat biased light. Despite this favorable and personal close-up portrait, one can
get a lot of useful information about Sihanouk 's well-known "flip-flop" or "mercurial " behavior, which is
a constant in his personal and official performance. In turn, this "flip-Flop" strategy was the basis of Sihanouk's so-called
"Win-Win" objective. However, one must immediately add that this "Win-Win" objective is intended mainly for Sihanouk
own survival first, and not for Cambodia's
survival. It is in this tragic context that this book is regrettably biased.
Professor Richard Butwell, a specialist on Southeast Asia studies, had captured
the essence of this clever, but, tragic and devious behavior of Sihanouk in his attempt to keep the power for himself
at the expense of the Cambodian people by using this "Win/Winn," as follows:
"No matter who was Prime Minister
or King at any given time, Sihanouk clearly ruled as Cambodia's
only modestly opposed leader during the years 1954-70. Indeed, even during those periods
when he was out of office (or out of the country), his substitute either was a caretaker or surrogate or, as happened
in early was given temporary leadership responsibilities
in order to demonstrate Sihanouk's own indispensability. The Prince's
concern, in short, seemed to be almost always the preservation of his own political position rather than
permanent institution-building. The sixteen years 1954-70 were a much longer period than most national
leaders have in office, but, when Sihanouk was ousted from power in March, 1970, there was very little to show by way of institution-development for his decade and a half as Cambodia's
political leader."
Richard Butwell; Southeast Asia; A Political Introduction; (Praeger
Publishers, New York, 1975), p.37
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This link is an excerpt from a book entitled, Charisma and Leadership, Co-authored by Norodom Sihanouk. and Bernard Krisher; (Yohan Publications, Tokyo, 1990)
Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D.
P.S. After entering this link, you may wish to also look at other chapters in this book
related to Sihanouk's personal impression of some of the world best known third world (good and bad) leaders (Nehru of India,
de Gaule of France, Mao Zedong of China, Ceaucescu of Romania, Nasser of Egypt, Tito of Yugoslavia, Hodja of Albania,
and many other contemporary world leaders), with whom he came into contact during his long tenure as Cambodia's leader - by clicking
the word "To
contents' at the very bottom of this excerpt. .
(http://www.norodomsihanouk.info/profiles%20M/charisma/sihanouk.htm)
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Neither
Cambodian nor Chinese: Vietnamizing the History of Saigon Maureen Feeney, University
of Michigan
http://www.lib.washington.edu/Southeastasia/vsg/org/aas%20abstract_00.html
In 1998, Vietnamese
state officials organized a year-long celebration of the 300-year anniversary of Saigon with
the cooperation of local historians. As Vietnamese historians acknowledge, however, the region was already populated by a
number of ethnic groups, in particular the Khmer and Chinese. Why, then, did the authorities declare that Saigon
was exactly 300 years old? This paper argues that by selecting 1698 as the originary year of Saigon,
the authorities were able to downplay the foundational roles of non-Vietnamese settlers.
Consistently, Vietnamese have defined their
national identity in contrast to foreign influence, particularly that of the Chinese. Chinese emigrants' ties to the Nguyen
dynasty, their traditional roles as merchants, and their connections to French colonists have prompted the anxiety of Vietnamese
officials. Furthermore, in their unwillingness to portray Vietnam
as an expansionist nation, officials have glossed over references to the presence of the Khmer in the region. By tracing the
founding of Saigon specifically to the southward voyage of the Nguyen official Nguyen Huu
Canh, historians have simultaneously elided the roles of the Chinese and Khmer, and magnified the role of the Vietnamese.
Thus, while the Chinese remain perpetual emigrants, and the Khmer are relegated to the status of ethnic minority, the Vietnamese
are celebrated as the true settlers of Saigon/Thanh Pho Ho Chi Minh. Finally, turning to a wide range of sources that examine
seventeenth- and eighteenth-century southern Vietnam,
this paper addresses the silences surrounding non-Vietnamese contributions to the history of the region.
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How the War Goes On (And On) in Cambodia
By BARBARA CROSSETTE
The
New York Times; Published: June 22, 1997
(Comments: This article provides a unique view on how Cambodia is in such a deadly mess due mostly
to its own doing. The Paris Agreements had given Cambodia the last best chance to survive and that chance was totally destroyed
by Sihanouk's betrayal as he allied himself with Hun Sen. On the other hand, the Khmer Rouge provided Vietnam
and Hun Sen the most valuable excuse to invade Cambodia, by setting the moral standard by which Cambodia is to be judged.
By demonizing the demons (Khmer Rouge), Vietnam and Hun Sen made themselves more acceptable to the international community.
Then Vietnam sealed the deal by imposing its will on Cambodia by using Hun Sen and Sihanouk, and by imposing an unequal treaty,
whereby any protest however benign it may be, is considered as a threat to Vietnam's security, as is proven in the case
of the kidnapping by Hun Sen and sent to be tried by Vietnam of the reverend Tim Sakhorn. Cambodia, will probably never
another chance anytime soon to leberate itself from Vietnam's colonialism and imperialism, as the international community
is so tired of Cambodia's endless fighting against each other. Naranhkiri Tith, Ph.D. Washington DC. Decem ber 28, 2007)
AS Cambodia wobbles yet again on the edge of a violent implosion, barely five years (and billions of dollars) after
the United Nations mounted the largest national recovery mission in its history, the rest of the world might justifiably wonder,
as an anonymous diplomat asked last week, whether Cambodians are simply bent on killing each other. ''Let them be,'' seems
to be the common sentiment. ''We have done all we can for them.''
That's the problem.
There has always been foreign meddling in the affairs of this extraordinary country of Buddhist piety, royalist loyalty,
artistic brilliance, exquisite natural beauty and inexplicably deep strains of human cruelty and venality.
Thailand, France, Japan, Vietnam,
China, the United States
have had a hand in writing and rewriting Cambodia's history and, more broadly,
the history of Indochina. A short but not
small part of the story is known to Americans as the Vietnam War.
The effects of that war are still being felt throughout Southeast Asia. Perhaps it
was fateful coincidence last week that while rumors were flying in Cambodia that Pol Pot, the Khmer Rouge leader responsible
for at least a million deaths from 1975 to 1979, had been captured, Robert McNamara, the American Defense Secretary who played
a major role in raising United States stakes in the war, was in Vietnam discussing how that war could have been avoided.
Perhaps, too, he had learned enough to know that history did not begin with the Americans.
The Indochinese conflicts of this century have roots in old animosities that were easily exploited by new players.
The ancient Siamese were such a perennial threat to the Khmer people of what is now Cambodia
that the home of the stupendous temples and palaces at Angkor was joyously and proudly named Siem Reap, for victory over Siam. Modern Thailand,
which inherited that Siamese legacy, has never given up the game. The Thai military until very recently enjoyed a lucrative
business partnership with the Khmer Rouge that allowed generals to exploit impoverished Cambodia's timber and gemstones.
Vietnam was Cambodia's other traditional foe. Some scholars on how Pol
Pot came to power believe that the Khmer Rouge's vicious hate propaganda against Vietnam earned it genuine support -- and
still does, because Cambodians believe their two larger neighbors
will always fight over them.
But Siam and Vietnam
were outdone by France, which consolidated its hold over Indochina -- Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos -- by the late 19th century. Decades of relative peace
followed, until World War II when Japan occupied much of Southeast
Asia. When the Japanese were driven out in 1945, it was only a matter of time before French Indochina became independent
countries in 1953-54 -- and again vulnerable.
It is fitting that Mr. McNamara and veterans of the leftist-nationalist movement in Vietnam should be talking about
how the war got out of control, because the critical decisions made in Hanoi and Washington in the 1950's and 1960's still
send out ripples.
After the defeat of the French at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 and the division of Vietnam,
the communist leadership under Ho Chi Minh decided that the conquest of South
Vietnam, not national development, was the top priority. America's
entry did not deter Hanoi, only raised the real and human
costs of its policy.
''Vietnam was prepared to make
extreme sacrifices, but the Americans didn't understand this,'' Deputy Foreign Minister Dao Huy Ngoc told the gathering on
Friday.
The war set Vietnam back at least a generation, but Hanoi thought the price worth the prize. While other Southeast Asian nations were spawning
tiger-cub economies, the country was re-educating its people. The economic damage was compounded when an embittered United States, which had dropped bombs all over Indochina, denied Hanoi
recognition and investment dollars for nearly 20 years after the fall of Saigon.
American capital and development -- including roads that the Vietnamese can only dream of -- rained on Thailand during the war. United States troops and planes found a home and a lot of good times. Thais, until
they belatedly concluded that an American military presence would not serve their regional interests, prospered by the arrangement.
Missed Opportunity
The Thai economy, however troubled, now dominates Laos, which America bombed to box in the Vietnamese, and where it armed
anti-communist hill people. Many Hmong were abandoned by their American paymasters and left in refugee camps in Thailand. Laos,
always fragile, has yet to recover from its role as ideological battleground.
But it is in Cambodia that the
Vietnam War itself seems never to have ended. Cambodia
was everybody's opportunity. The Vietnamese used it as a sanctuary for North Vietnamese troops and Viet Cong while talking
of a federation of Indochinese states (dragging in the hapless Lao) that sounded very similar to what the French had planned
half a century earlier. The communists in Beijing and Hanoi
courted Cambodia's radical leftist movement,
which Prince Norodom Sihanouk had first called, disdainfully, the Khmer Rouge. The Khmer Rouge had, paradoxically, picked
up their communist education in France.
The Prince, who found himself in opposition in the 1970's, flirted with them enough to give Pol Pot credence with many Cambodians
and served briefly and disastrously as their figurehead when they took power in 1975.
By then the United States had waded clumsily into Cambodia to support the anti-communist Lon Nol Government
that had overthrown Prince Sihanouk's original regime in March 1970. Secret American bombing raids into Cambodian territory
in violation of Congressional restrictions, compounded by an American-South Vietnamese invasion, helped the Khmer Rouge recruit
new followers, although many Cambodians say now that the raids were probably not the most critical factor in Pol Pot's rise
to power, given the support he got from the Vietnamese and China
-- and from Norodom Sihanouk.
The fall of Phnom Penh to the Khmer Rouge in 1975, days ahead of the fall of Saigon,
did not end American, Chinese or Vietnamese involvement in Cambodia.
The war soon went on by proxy, with a part of the Khmer Rouge movement drawing closer to Vietnam
as another faction threatened Hanoi's interests. In December
1978, Vietnam invaded, setting up a cooperative
government the next month under Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge -- who is today the country's Second Prime Minister. China was furious and marched over the border into Vietnam to teach the Vietnamese a lesson. The Vietnamese taught them instead.
When the defeated Khmer Rouge fled toward the Thai frontier, they were drawn into an unholy alliance with the Cambodian
royalists and a small, more democratic and moderate faction under Son Sann. China
and the United States were among those
who gave the alliance diplomatic and material support. Eager to rid Cambodia
of the Vietnamese, Beijing and Washington, strongly supported
by other Southeast Asian nations ready to seize economic opportunities in Indochina, forced Hanoi's
withdrawal and engineered a peace treaty that put all factions back in play in Phnom
Penh in 1992.
Until recently, it appeared that the Vietnam War had finally ended in Cambodia.
Last week, the Cambodians struck up the music, and a new game of musical chairs began.
_________________________________________________________________________
Dancing in Shadows The Phnom Penh Post, December 2007
(Comments: This article is unique as, for
the first time, it reveals some of the most important historical facts about Sihanouk behind the scene's maneuvers to
torpedo UNTAC-sponsored general elections in the summer of 1993, and to help Hun Sen regain his full power after his defeat
by Ranariddh, in those elections. In so doing, Sihanouk has again showed that he is not at all interested in democratic process
in Cambodia. His main concern was to regain the full power to rule that he once had, in Cambodia
First, Sihanouk, tried to hijack the costly
UN-sponsored elections process by trying to take over the power and by forming a so-called government of Coalition with Hun
Sen and Ranariddh as vice presidents and himself as President of the Coaltion government.
Then, after strong objection from the
international community, especially from(UNTAC), he then orchestrated a secession
movement in the Eastern Zone, using one of his many sons, Chakrapong along with a CPP member and minister, Sin Song,
as leaders of that movement. Confronting by his own father machialellian plot, Ranariddh had no choice but to accept his father
manipulations and accept a typical Sihanouk creation in the form of a unique government in the world with two
prime ministers.
As you can see, Sihanouk, when not in power, never
stops his evil intention to destroy Cambodia, by associating himself with Cambodia's worst enemies, such as; the Vietnamese,
the khmer Rouge, and now Hun Sen and his murderous CPP. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Wahington DC. December 7, 2007)
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The
anxious exhilarating UNTAC days: Successes and failures. Reviewed by David Chandler.
Benny Widyono, Dancing in Shadows: Sihanouk,
the Khmer Rouge and the United Nations in Cambodia. xxxii+ 312 pp. Foreword by Ben Kiernan., Lanham
and Boulder, Rowman and Littlefield, 2008.
The sub-title
of this absorbing memoir promises more than the book is able to deliver. Dr Benny Widyono, a career official with the United
Nations, has very little to say about Sihanouk or the Khmer Rouge as long-term political phenomena. He also fails to summarize
the multi-faceted activities of the UN in Cambodia
since the early 1990s.
Instead, what we are given and should be grateful for is an insightful record of a tumultuous
period of Cambodian history in which Widyono was an astute participant-observer. Between 1992 and 1997 Widyono worked with
the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) and as the UN Secretary General's special representative in
Phnom Penh. These positions allowed him to observe the UNTAC
operation and the unfolding opera of Cambodian politics at close range. Fourteen photographs and seven maps enhance his appealing
text.
Widyono arrived in Phnom Penh in April l992 and
soon became aware, as many did, that the Paris Peace Accords of 1991, which had established UNTAC, had barely papered over
irreconcilable differences among the powers that signed them. They had also set unachievable agendas and ignored the animosities
of the Cambodian political actors.
The Accords, Widyono reminds us, also placed some heavy burdens on the UNTAC
operation. The first of these, pressed by the United States, China and their allies, was that the Democratic Kampuchean
"faction" was to play a legitimate role in Cambodian politics. To smooth the path, references to "genocide" or the other horrors
of the Khmer Rouge era were whited out of the Accords.
Secondly, the Accords enjoined UNTAC to oversee the day-to-day
governance of Cambodia, an impossible
task for people who knew next to nothing about the country, had little experience with such tasks and had no full time employees
who were fluent in Khmer. In any case, those who held power in the country, namely the Khmer Rouge and the State of Cambodia
(SOC) were unwilling to relinquish it to the UN.
Finally, the four factions in Cambodian politics who had been
roped together to form a Supreme National Council (SNC) despised each other and had no interest in working constructively
together or in allowing UNTAC to succeed. Prince Norodom Sihanouk, at the apex of the SNC, distrusted the factions and
hoped to negotiate some power for himself.
With understandable trepidation, therefore, the largest UN operation
in its history got underway, damaged at birth by conflicting mandates, exaggerated hopes, UN inexperience and intransigent,
suspicious political actors.
In June 1992, Benny Widyono became the UN's "shadow governor" in Siem Reap. He had asked
for this challenging job in New York, and for the next 13
months he performed a multitude of tasks in the run up to the elections with inventiveness and brio. The chapters that deal
with this period stylishly convey the ups and downs of those anxious, exhilarating times.
In judging the UNTAC experience,
Widyono agrees with most observers that its successes lay in the fields of refugee repatriation and organizing the elections.
He
locates UNTAC shortcomings in the areas of disarmament, governance and its timidity vis-a- vis the Khmer Rouge.
Disarmament
failed because the Khmer Rouge refused to disarm, triggering the SOC's refusal to follow suit. These refusals guaranteed the
continuation of warfare between the two, which lasted until the Khmer Rouge movement collapsed in 1997-1998.
Governance
never worked because UNTAC was unable to administer the country, and because the SOC and the Khmer Rouge (the factions controlling
Cambodian territory) never relinquished any administrative control.
UNTAC's timidity sprang from the fact that none
of the participating powers (except, perhaps, the French) were willing to take the casualties they feared might be inflicted
on them by the Khmer Rouge.
In the elections of May 1993, more voters voted for the royalist faction, FUNCINPEC, than
for the Cambodian Peoples' Party (CPP), which had governed Cambodia
since 1979. For the first time in Cambodian history, a majority of the population peacefully rejected the political status
quo. What they expected or hoped for in its place was unclear. In any case, the SOC refused to accept to results of the
election and for a few days the entire UNTAC operation seemed destined to collapse.
At this point Sihanouk,
encouraged by the French, engineered a bizarre political arrangement whereby FUNCINPEC and the CPP agreed to enter a power
sharing relationship with Hun Sen as the "second" prime minister, alongside the "first" prime minister Sihanouk's son, Prince
Rannaridh, the chairman of FUNCINPEC.
Widyono returned to New York in late 1993,
but became impatient with bureaucratic work, and in April l994 came back to Phnom
Penh as the UN Secretary General's personal representative, tasked with monitoring the aftermath of
UNTAC. The "national interest" of the UN is hard to define, but the position gave Widyono an ideal vantage point from which
to observe the Rannaridh-Hun Sen "alliance" and the first few years of the newly renamed Kingdom of Cambodia. His assessments of personalities
and events in this period are often shrewd and persuasive, and buttressed by observations made in the course of later visits
to the country. Cambodia watchers will
be aware that most of the problems raised in the book remain unsolved and most of the political actors in 1993-1997 remain
on stage, so Dancing in Shadows has an up-to-date "feel". Widyono left in April l997, shortly before the "events " of July,
so his reportage on them is necessarily second-hand.
Throughout the memoir, Widyono's writing is brisk, perceptive
and accessible, although it's marred here and there by small historical gaffes and typographical errors. On balance, his insider's
narrative is a valuable addition to literature about Cambodia's
recent past.
In closing, however, it needs to be said that Ben Kiernan's gnomic 9-page foreword to Dancing in Shadows
mentions Widyono only once and says almost nothing about the period of history dealt with by the book. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- David
Chandler is the author of Brother Number One: A biography of Pol Pot and other books about Cambodia. He is currently affiliated with Monash
University in Australia.
On
sale at Monument Books
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Vietnam Genocide Against Khmer Kampuchea Krom
Link to Khmer Krom wholesale
persecution by Vietnam entitled
‘Eliminated without Bleeding’
(Comments: a word of caution before watching this series of film clips on how Vietnam is committing an ongoing genocide
to eradicate our brothers and sisters from Kampuchea Krom from the surface of the earth, while Sihanouk and Hun
Sen claim that it is not a Cambodian problem but an internal problem of Vietnam. This sequence of film clips is
an extemely detailed depiction of how much suffering our brothers and sisters are enduring daily from the murderous hands
of the Vietnamese government. If the Khmer Krom are allowed to perish without anything done to help them from all
of us, we certainly are going to disappear soon as well. So, wake up Cambodians, wherever you may be living
now. The end is very near. Naranhkiri Tith Ph. D. Washington DC, November 27, 2007)
ELIMINATED WITHOUT BLEEDING is a one-hour documentary on the Khmer Krom indigenous peoples from the
Mekong Delta in Southern Vietnam. The Khmer Krom explain how they are oppressed and eliminated
as a peoples. There is no freedom of speech, religion or culture. Aggressively Vietnamized, the Khmer Krom struggle to maintain
their way of life and identity.
Please,
to see this set of film clips, either click on the link pasted below, or to paste it on 'http' browser.
http://rebeccasommer.org/documentaries/Khmer-Krom/index.php
_____________________________________________________________________________________
Khmer Krom Association deceived by Cambodian Parliament leaders
By Sok Serei
Radio Free Asia
Translated from Khmer by Socheata
26 April 2007
(Comments: During a recent his visit to Cambodia, the president of the Vietnamese parliament raised
the issue of Vietnamese residents in Cambodia, and praised their countrymen of being brave to have endured a difficult situation
in Cambodia. The Hun Sen government has recognized the Vietnamese asssociations in Cambodia as legal entities. In Vietnam,
The Vietnamese government not nly did not recognized the Khmer Krom associations as legal entities, but has persecuted them
by not allowing them to have their own religion, culture, and social asssociation. The persecution of the Khmer Kroms is by
defintion a genocide. Yet, Heng Samrin had declared that the mistrreatment of the Khmer Krom by Vietnam is an internal problem
of Vietnam alone, while allowing Veitnamese to have their own associations and freedom to be a full citizen of Cambodia, without
even a period of wating. In addition, no figure from the last population census was allowed to be publicly known. If Hun Sen
and his CPP is not working for the Vietnamese, by their despiclable behavior towards the Khmer Krom people, what else
do we need to prove that they are traitors to Cambodia by just looking at how Hun Sen and his CPP are
treating our fellow countrymen the Khmer Krom case.as discussed earlier. Naranhkiri Tith Ph.D. Washington
DC. November 27, 2007)
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
On Thursday, a group of associations for Khmer Kampuchea-Krom Human Rights Defense have issued one after another
their deception on the standing adopted by the Cambodian National Assembly president who rejected the request for him to negotiate
the Khmer Krom issue with
Nguyen Phu Trong, Vietnam Assembly chairman, during the latter's visit in Cambodia.
Thach Setha, President of the Khmer Kampuchea-Krom Association in Cambodia, reacted by saying: "I am very deceived
by the attitude of Heng Samrin, the president of National Assembly, who considers the Khmer Kampuchea Krom issue as not being
a Cambodian issue, but rather a
Vietnamese internal affair. I believe that this a serious mistake because according to the Constitution [of
Cambodia] and the Nationality law, Khmer
Krom people are truly Cambodian citizens."
Monk Yoeung Sin, President of the Khmer Kampuchea-Krom Monks Association based in Phnom Penh, reacted by saying that all his hopes have evaporated. "Talking about Khmer people,
wherever they are born, they are supported, and legally recognized by the [Cambodian] Constitution."
A source indicated that during the meeting held between Heng Samrin and Nguyen Phu Trong on Thursday, the Khmer
Krom issue and the border affair were not discussed, and that only bilateral signing for the strengthening of the cooperation
between the Vietnamese and Cambodian
parliaments took place.
Prior to this meeting, Heng Samrin told reporters that the Khmer Kampuchea-Krom issue is a Vietnamese internal
affair. "The Kampuchea Krom monks is an internal affair of their country, it's not a Cambodian issue, we are not interfering
in the internal affair of another country..."
One source also indicated that 5 Khmer Krom monks fled Kampuchea Krom (South Vietnam)
and they have reached Cambodia on Thursday.
The 5 monks have been in hiding from the Vietnamese authority which wants to defrock them.
There is no indication of protest by Khmer Krom monks in Phnom Penh during the
3-day official visit of Nguyen Phu Trong in Cambodia.
The associations for the Khmer Krom Human Rights Defense have recently sent a joint statement demanding that Cambodian Parliament
leaders discuss with their Vietnamese counterpart, the Khmer Krom issue.
Recently also, peaceful demonstrations have been held in several countries, the USA, Australia, France and Cambodia,
by Khmer Krom people and Khmer Krom monks, to protest against the defrocking of 16 Khmer Krom monks by the Vietnamese authority,
and the jailing of 5 other monks who have been demanding for their freedom of Buddhist religious belief according to Cambodian
custom.
The Vietnamese Assembly chairman who is currently visiting Cambodia,
also plans to meet with Chea Sim, the Senate president, Prime Minister Hun Sen, and King Norodom Sihamoni.
____________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Economic Brief: Oil and Gas
Dynamics in the Gulf of Thailand
PINR (Power and Interest News Report);
24 September 2007
A recent report from the International Monetary Fund (I.M.F.) has stated that in a
moderate scenario oil revenue income for Cambodia
would start at US$174 million by 2011 and peak at $1.7 billion per year by 2021. These predictions are based on the current
project led by Chevron off the coast of southern Cambodia
that looks set to begin production in 2008. The project holds an estimated reserve of 700 million barrels of oil in a technologically
challenging arrangement. The I.M.F. predictions do not include the potentially larger basin that is currently in a disputed
Overlapping Claims Area (O.C.A.) on the maritime border between Thailand
and Cambodia. The Cambodian Ministry of
National Defense has recently announced plans for a tripling in the size of the navy in order to provide security for the
oil production facilities. According to Cambodian Minister of Defense Tea Banh, the recent expansion plans cite anti-terrorism
and anti-piracy as the underlying justification for the expansion.
The implications for Cambodia are significant. The economic benefits of the resource revenue generated
by the oil projects have the potential to make considerable improvements to Cambodian society. However, factors are already
in place which suggest that the impact may not be positive. The income based on resource rents would in effect double the
country's G.D.P. in the initial stages of the project. If this massive input is managed poorly, it could lead to severe inflation
and have a considerable impact on the garment sector that currently makes up 80 percent of Cambodia's export economy.
Significant governance issues, chronic rates
of corruption, a significant population bubble of young adult males, a reported high rate of availability of small arms due
to 30 years of internal conflict, weak economic institutions, a recent history of civil war and a predilection toward political
violence suggest that Cambodia has a strong possibility to face other and more considerable obstacles on the path to economic
benefits. The pattern to date of resource extraction benefit in the forestry and fishing sectors is one of collusion between
the political and military elite for self-enrichment at the expense of traditional stakeholders. According to some observers,
the diversion of benefits from social investment to self-enrichment has meant that the social cleavages within the society
have had little opportunity to heal. If this pattern is extended to the oil and gas sector, then the potential for systemic
abuse is strong as is the potential for social unrest.
The tripling of the size of the Cambodian navy will likely make
Cambodia's neighbors nervous. The O.C.A.
with Thailand in particular is a sensitive
area due to the considerable resources represented under the claim. Border disputes with Thailand in the past have been a cause for nationalist displays of violence, producing
an alarming opportunity for nationalist political expression especially in the face of domestic social unrest due to the previously
mentioned impact of resource revenue. Instruments are in place for the resolution of the disputed area, but there has been
no movement since the memorandum of understanding was signed in 2001. Despite a diplomatic breakdown in 2003, the two sides
continue to meet annually in an attempt to resolve the dispute.
In regard to
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